The Legend of Naga and Dragon

We cannot overstate on the possible engagement and marriage between Naga and Dragon. Naga in Khmer belief is female and Dragon in Chinese belief is male. If Yin and Yang was important for Chinese philosophy, Yin is not someone else but princes Naga and Yang is not someone else but Chinese prince. Whenever, Yin and Yang are two inseparable elements on earth, Cambodia and China are undividable.

According to the archeological records, Khmer and Chinese has bonded relationship since the birth of Kingdom of Cambodia. This historical claim is not merely speaking if we looked at the accounts of archeological sites, historical manuscripts and folklore narrations. Thus the word "Funan" which was misspelled by Chinese traders of "Pchnom" has been a key account for historians to study about the birth of Cambodia. The caving pictures depicting on the walls of all Khmer ancient temples have attractively illustrated the commercial trading between Khmer and Chinese, for instance, the depicting stories on the wall of Bayon temple. Not only that reflecting economic and social relationship, many historical accounts indicated political involvements between Khmer and Chinese. For instance, the exchange of ambassadors between Khmer and China in the reign of Bhavavarman in the pre-Angkorian period, the Chinese troops depicting on the wall of Angkor Watt during the ascending to throne of Suriyavarman II, and the arrival of Ghou Daghoun who was the ambassador of China to visit Cambodia during the post-Angkorian period.

But what is impressed me to writing this article this moment is the legend of Naga and Dragon. If we asked Chinese people on what is their national animal, they will simultaneously respond us that "Dragon". And if we looked at Cambodian culture, architectures, arts and belief, Naga serpent is omnipresently everywhere and this mythical serpent is historically reflecting the birth of Cambodia and the wedding ceremony of all Khmer couples. It has started with Khmer princes whose name was Soma (or Naga princes or Lie Yi in Chinese) was the first Khmer princes who governed Cambodia. We can see that Chinese politicians and traders primarily contacted with princes Naga before the coming of Preah Thong from India according to some sources. Princes Naga is considered as a connector between China and India in that time. It has also reflected the strategic zone of ASEAN in ancient time. In that time, Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia and Malaysia were not yet born. Princes Naga was more important than ancient states of Java, Champa and Mon in partnering with China and India.

An exchange between Thanh and Sokhom

This is very good exchanging of idea...yes, many hidden things have been revealed by a Vietnamese national. I think Thanh should not use that justification to bully Cambodia at all.

Posted as comments on KI-Media

I am a Vietnamese/Nguoi Viet or what you all refer to as "Yuon", I would like to share a heart to heart with Khmer readers .

I understand Khmer's animosity against Vietnam. The Viet nation expanded and took over your former lands. You have the Right to Hate Me and my people.

But I just want you all to understand a few things about Vietnam:

We are not bad people. We are people like you. We breathe air, we eat food, we have blood that runs red like every human being in this world. When a normal Viet individual sees a Khmer person suffer in pain, we sympathize and we feel and share the pain that you feel. We don't you to go hungry nor do we want you to get sick. A Khmer who comes to a Viet for help - will always be given assistance. In the past hundreds of years of history, often times Viet and Khmer have been good to each other. Making love, fighting wars together, exchanging cultural practices like food and music (many similarities, e.g., Samlar machu-Khmer & Canh chua-Viet, the Viet Folk Songs of the Mekong Delta has the same musical rhythm).

When Siam invaded Cambodia, Khmers asked for Viet help and the Viets always did provide assistance. When the French ruled and abused Viets and Khmers, we joined together to oust the foreign White Man. When Pol Pot committed genocide, Viets removed him from power. Pol Pot had killed all the intellectuals and about 90% Buddhist monks. Vietnam allowed your cousins - Khmer Krom Buddhist monks to go to Cambodia to REVIVE your religion. YES, that's true! Communist Vietnam helped to foster a new generation of your Buddhist clergy.

I DO NOT support Vietnam swallowing and erasing Cambodia from the map. Cambodia is a beautiful country with a wonderful culture, marvelous architecture and a beautiful and charming people. I wish for its preservation and longevity. Long Live Cambodia and the Khmer Nation!

But I as a sole individual, I am powerless to stop my country and people from trying to swallow Cambodia (& Laos).

Post-War Politics of Cambodia on "Facing Soft Power Politics"

Soft power politics seems don’t come along with co-operative plan and mutual assistance in rhetoric only, but by enforcing through memorandums, treaties or agreements.

Cambodia has empirically derailed from the wave of “soft power politics” of the world. She is likely lacking ability in responding to current flow of soft power which comes along with international relations, foreign trade, the guarding of its citizens, conflict resolution with its neighbors and proper reaction to foreign consistent cooporative policy.

Politically speaking, soft power politics refers to the politics of cooporation, not confrontation as modern nation-states seek to put aside all violent means by adopting peaceful diplomacy and mutual interests through economic, cultural and social cooporation. The procedures have practically done through the platform of dialogue regionally and globally. Michael Hsiao and Alan Yang posited in the Asia-Pacific Journal focusing on Japan that China has been more practical in spreading “soft power politics” to its neighbors and regions particularly the Southeast Asian nations. As this policy has tremendously renovated after the cold war, China has physically strengthened its relations with ASEAN states since the 1990s within all fields including foreign aid, trade, infrastructure, politics, culture, tourism and environment.

Geopolitically, Cambodia is a member among regional associations such as the ASEAN which has extended to ASEAN Plus Three (APT) when China, Japan and Korea are included and the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) etc. But in its sub-regional cooporation, it appears intricate for Cambodia to be a member of the Mekong River Commission (MRC) and the Cambodia-Laos-Vietnam Development Triangle. Cambodia is obligated to all procedures and co-operative frameworks to these sub-regional embodiments. Noticeably, many Cambodians are skeptical about Cambodia’s strength and intelligence to smoothly operate this unavoidable cooporative policy as well as the soft power innovation foreigners exposed.

Not many scholars or academic papers have deliberately detailed the “deficit” of Cambodia in handling with this impromptu skeptic. This article will singly look into the relationship Cambodia must undertake with its neighbors: Thailand and Vietnam.

Our children profit from our actions

November 3, 2010
By A. Gaffar Peang-Meth
PACIFIC DAILY NEWS (Guam)

"People power" is not beyond reach in Cambodia. Skeptics misunderstand people power and equate it with bloody rebellion. Khmers are Buddhists -- gentle and placid, who don't rise against a ruthless dictatorship.

The Albert Einstein Institution, committed to the defense of freedom, says: "Nonviolent action (also sometimes referred to as people power, political defiance and nonviolent struggle) is a technique of action for applying power in a conflict by using symbolic protests, noncooperation and defiance, but not physical violence."

My nine years (1980-1989) in the Khmer resistance against Vietnam's military invasion and occupation took me near death's door many times, but I never believed we could defeat the Hanoi armies that brought the Americans to a negotiations table earlier. But we did believe that an effective Khmer resistance would bring Hanoi to the negotiations table. That, in fact, happened.

Except, the Khmer nationalists never prepared themselves for post-1991 Paris Peace Accords.

Adding to the detrimental lack of careful strategic planning with necessary "next steps," they were trapped in denial, blaming, as many simply realigned themselves for political positions.

The game of "svar pa'at bai loeu mo'at po-pe" (monkey smears rice on a goat's mouth) continued until today: The monkey ate the farmer's rice and smeared rice on a goat's mouth so the goat would be blamed for eating the rice; the farmer didn't know better and took out his anger on the goat, forgetting that goats don't eat rice.

Population has power

I stood before my introduction to political science classes for 13 years, driving home the same point every semester, that a government's "right to rule" is based on the people putting it in power.

The Truth of Paris Peace Accord

With more than 17 countries, they simultaneously signed the treaty to end war and foreign occupation in Cambodia. The treaty was empowered by five annexes focused on a comprehensive political settlement of the Cambodia conflict; the agreement concerning the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and inviolability, neutrality, national unity of Cambodia; and the declaration on the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Cambodia. Noticeably, all annexes, concerning and declaration has been existing and slightly existing nowadays in Cambodia. However, existence without proper and effective implementation is a matter of regress, not progress.

Introduction

I was invited by the Cambodian Canadian Community of Canada to give a talk about the importance of Paris Peace Accord at their gathering to commemorate/observe the 19th anniversary of Paris Peace Accord. I also got invitation from the University of Calgary to be a guest speaker at their weekly "Movies that Matters" program organized by undergraduate students. Movie was "Enemies of the People" filmed and documented by the effort of a Phnom Penh Post reporter, Theth Sambath, which has been worldwide screened and granted many distinctive prizes. The audience of these two events were astonished and stimulated by my talk. I was asked several questions from the audience, and my talk was broader and in details more than on what I am going to specifically describe here. Exactly, the Paris Peace Accord is very crucial for both talks. 

Paris Peace Agreement in a Nutshell
As one of the younger generations of Cambodia, I couldn’t abstain from sharing idea about the 19th anniversary of Paris Peace Accord. Today is Saturday, October 23, 2010 is the 19th years of the international effort under the United Nations mediating to signing this very important chapter for Cambodia history, the Paris Peace Accord. This treaty is not solely important for Cambodia but for the international organization like the UNs to take further step in demonstrating a better world for all beings.

This short essay will elaborate some plights of Cambodia in engaging with the international recognizable treaties to survive itself from foreign domination as well as to maintain its status as a sovereign state on this planet. Furthermore, the author would like to argue some important issues needing to clarify of having yearly commemoration and observation of this very important day for all Cambodian people and their government.

Snapshot of History
At least, two academic writers such as Stephen Morris and Chan Dara who have argued that Cambodia will loss its status as a sovereign state if this country has not been guaranteed by at least two important international treaties: the Geneva Treaty and Paris Peace Accord. The past tumultuous political movements including the legacy of French colony and the cold-war have imposed on some countries to become greater dominant state and some countries to become satellite state. As the matter of fact, Lao and Cambodia who were destined by both French colony and the cold war have emerged in different outcomes: Lao and Cambodia were wholeheartedly supported by Chinese prolific leader Chou En Lai in assuring its sovereignty from the French colony as well as from Vietnamese attempt to dominate at the Geneva Conference in 1954.

However, Lao has not been internationally recognized after waking up from the cold war which Lao and Cambodia is considered as the hot-spot of political players during this era. In contrast, Cambodia has endorsed from that hot-spot of domino effect by the Paris Peace Accord.

Kampuchea Krom - The Battles and Bargains That Left a People Behind

 

By Michelle Vachon
The Cambodia daily

    In his 1966 book "Les frontières du Cambodge," political scientist Sarin Chhak introduces his section on Kampuchea Krom by saying that this region of the Mekong delta was Cambodian territory until the middle of the 17th Century, when Vietnam took advantage of Cambodia's internal struggles to take it over.

    As to how this occurred, Sarin Chhak, who served on Cambodia's negotiating team in border talks with South Vietnam in the mid-1960s, sidesteps the issue: "We don't claim to go back in history. It seems of little use to repeat what numerous authors have reported on the topic."

    By the late 1800s, southern Vietnam had become the French territory of Cochin-China and Cambodia's King Norodom had sought and signed the Protectorate Treaty with France. In his book, Sarin Chhak argued that France's 1860s annexations of large portions of Kampuchea Krom to Cochin-China was an administrative decision that did not legally set borders.

    And though Sarin Chhak asserted that "numerous authors" had written on the history of Kampuchea Krom, no historian has yet produced a full account of the events which led to today's situation: a population of Cambodians estimated at more than 1 million in Vietnam's 1999 census, but believed considerably larger, living among a population of some 83 million Vietnamese.

    Ros Chantrabot, vice president of the Royal Academy of Cambodia and an associate researcher at France's Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique in Paris, said that the ranks of Cambodian historians, as in other fields, were depleted by decades of conflict and that among the very few remaining, none has concentrated on Kampuchea Krom.

Defining Cambodia

By Michelle Vachon
The Cambodia Daily

Sixty-five years ago, a French colonial administrator made a decision on maritime borders between Cambodia and Cochin-China, as the southern part of Vietnam was then called.

Jules Brevie hoped his decision would resolve, once and for all, a long dispute.

Meant to clarify which islands in the Gulf of Thailand fell under the jurisdiction of either Cambodia or Cochin-China, Jules Brevie's administrative notice of Jan 31, 1939, has been at the heart of all maritime border quarrels between Cambodia and Vietnam ever since.

Every political regime in Cambodia has raised the issue, which still triggers heated debates and often puts the two countries at odds with each other.

In the 1960s, then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk requested an international conference to settle the matter once and for all, and to protect Cambodia's territory through peaceful means.

No such approach suited the Khmer Rouge, who bombarded the Vietnamese island of Phu Quoc (Koh Trac in Khmer) and exterminated the 515 Vietnamese residents of Poulo Panjang (Tho Chu island) in May 1975, said Raoul Marc Jennar in his 1997 doctorate thesis, "Contemporary Cambodian Borders." 

The only agreements on maritime borders between Cambodia and Vietnam were signed in July 1982. They were part of a series of pacts that were based on the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation signed on Feb 18, 1979 shortly after Vietnam had ousted the Khmer Rouge regime, taken over the country and installed a Hanoi-friendly government.

Valid for 25 years, terms of the agreement indicate that the 1979 treaty will be automatically renewed for periods of 10 years, unless revoked the year before renewal by either country, said Var Kim Hong, chairman of Cambodia's Border Committees.

As far as he knows, no measure has been taken to annul the agreement, and it should get renewed on Wednesday, he said.

A Biography of Sarin Chhak: Border expert's fate a mystery

By Julio A. Jeldres

 

The current debate over Cambodia's borders has involved references on several occasions to the name of Sarin Chhak, the eminent author of the only complete study (in four volumes) of the Kingdom's borders, whose whereabouts have been the source of much speculation following his disappearance immediately after the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in January 1979.

 

Sarin Chhak was born Khin Kaing, in Krangsla village, Prey Kabass district, Takeo province on January 2, 1922. He was the child of Mr. Khin and Mrs. Chhay Lak, both farmers.

 

Because he had to help his parents on the farm, he was unable to attend primary school at an early age like other Cambodian children. During the French colonial period, a regulation forbade children of advanced age to enroll in primary school, so in order to attend, Kaing changed his name to Sarin Chhak becuase he did not want to disclose his real age.

 

He was a good student and was, therefore, encouraged to pursue studies at a higher level. He graduated from Phnom Penh University with a law degree and obtained his Ph.D. in Economic Law in France in 1966. The topic of his dissertation was "The Borders of Cambodia".

 

Paul Reuter, a professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of Paris and one of Cambodia's lawyers in the Preah Vihear case, writes in the introduction to the first volume of "Borders of Cambodia" that "[Sarin Chhak's] work, brilliantly presented in front of the Faculty Law and Economic Sciences of Paris, will permit the author to find an attentive audience, which shall not fail to appreciate the conscience, the tireless labor and the merits of the author." Adding that, "Sarin Chhak abstained from creating any polemic or of using words filled with bitterness and inviting us to believe that violence is not the only recourse to achieve an aim.

 

"Upon his return to Cambodia, he joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and served in different posts within the ministry and also at the Cambodian Embassy in Paris. He was appointed Ambassador to the United Arab Republic (Egypt) in 1968, with residence in Cairo, while concurrently serving as Ambassador to Senegal.

 

Following the coup of March 18, 1970, Sarin Chhak denounced the coup, refused to recognize the Lon Nol government and declared his allegiance to Samdech Norodom Sihanouk as the legal Head of State of Cambodia. At the same time, he announced that the Cambodian Embassy in Cairo had become the "Embassy of Progressive Cambodia in the UAR".

 

CAMBODIA: "What Cambodians need most urgently in the kind of world they live"

 "Lien bang Viet Cam Lao"

Earlier this month, a social network blog published "Lien bang Viet Cam Lao" in Vietnamese language, with the English translation, "Federal Republic of Vietcamlao" (Vietnam-Cambodia-Laos), complete with "Articles of Confederation," a national flag, a capital at Danang, and some photos.

I poohed-poohed the blog: Hanoi's desire to Vietnamize Cambodia is nothing new. Quickly, I realized Cambodians have been stirred by it. Denunciations of this fictitious "nation-state" have followed.

A reader asked what I thought of the "Lien bang Viet Cam Lao" blog. I said, maybe we spent too much time and energy worrying about whether history will repeat itself, discussing and denouncing whom we think responsible for Cambodia's decline, rather than devoting time and energy to educating and learning, and to seeking solutions.

History must not be forgotten; it helps us understand the present, and prepare for the future. Looking forward, I use time and energy to write on what would propel a people forward: Good ideas, quality thoughts, high values and principles, backed by actions, are what keep Khmers as a nation.

FOR PUBLICATION
AHRC-ETC-024-2010
September 15, 2010

An article by Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth published by the Asian Human Rights Commission

September 15, 2010
Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth

The East-West Cold War ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union on Dec. 25, 1991: Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev resigned from his post, which was abolished, and the red Soviet flag over the Kremlin came down for the last time. Foreign policy expert Francis Fukuyama, a proponent of liberal democracy, called it "The triumph of the West, of the Western idea," and "The end of history."

Two months earlier, the international community and the four warring Cambodian factions adopted the Oct. 23, 1991 Final Act of the Paris Peace Accords, to "restore peace" to Cambodia, ravaged by "tragic conflict and continuing bloodshed." The Soviet-backed Vietnamese troops had withdrawn from Cambodia in 1989 after having installed a puppet Cambodian regime that replaced the Chinese-backed Pol Pot regime, defeated militarily in 1979.

International and Cambodian signatories declared to "commit themselves to promote and encourage respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Cambodia..."

Today, almost 19 years after the Cold War ended, the world's nation-states -- great powers, middle powers, small powers -- continue their competition for power and influence. Robert Kagan, of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, wrote a book on this world, titled, "The Return of History and the End of Dreams."

Next month marks the 19th anniversary of the Paris Peace Accords on Cambodia. The shooting war had ended; one lone Khmer Rouge cadre, Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, head of the notorious S-21 prison, among the Khmer Rouge directly and indirectly involved in the death of more than two million people in 1975-1979, has been convicted of his crimes. The rest walk free; the stipulations of the Accords have not been implemented.

Federation Republic of Vietcamlao: An Introduction

Introduction

Federal Republic of Vietcamlao recently appeared in a social network website named multiply.com posted by a Vietnamese called himself Phong. After that, we see this documents spread in many blogs such as ki-media.blogspot.com, cambodianbrightfuture.blogspot.com as well as Vietnamese website based in Montreal of Canada vietnamville.ca. Although those blogs/website sometime are not referral as an academic source, but they have played important role as the medium to bridge all people to debate political, social and economic issues.

The Vietcamlao plan is not considered a new plan if we review the history of Indochina Federation created by French colony. But the current Vietcamlao plan is significantly  illustrating the mindset of Vietnamese people and leaders. After reviewed the article and utilized online search engine effectively, I have found that the Vietnamese preamble at the beginning and the confederation article have been totally cut and pasted from other websites. Part of Vietnamese language at the beginning was translated from wikipedia's article focused on Federation. Part of the Confederation Article in English language was cut, pasted  and edited from another website. The inconsistency of the document illustrates the incomplete work of the author, or it is considered just part of author's leisure time spending on the internet. However, the mindset is really substantial for me to further study. More than this, the proposed capital city at Danang is geopolitically significant; the drawing flag and its meaning as well as the federation map, all are attractive to further study the thought, effort and political trend of Vietnamese people and leaders in glancing at their neighboring countries: Cambodia and Lao.

Vietcamlao Federal Republic flag, blue symbolizes the sea, red for courage and sacrifice to defend the country people, green for forests, plains, 5 stars for 5 represents primary state of North, Central, South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. (http://ttxphongck.multiply.com/journal/item/237/237)

Map of the Federal Republic of Vietcamlao with the capital city of Danang (http://ttxphongck.multiply.com/journal/item/237/237)

In searching for truth of this Vietcamlao plan and Vietnamese mindset, we will review some Cambodian books such as the "Westward Journey and the Indochina in 2000" by Noun Koeun, Cambodia and Indochina Federation by Chan Dara translated from French by Thong Ngoun and Pen Nearovi, and Border of Cambodia with former Indochina Federation countries, a thesis by Sarin Chhak. With this regard, we have many foreign books to read especially some online websites such as wikipedia.com to complimentarily add to our references.

Liên bang Việt Cam Lào (Federal Republic of Vietcamlao)

Liên bang Việt Cam Lào (Federal Republic of Vietcamlao)

Liên bang (Latin: foedus) là hình thức quốc gia bao gồm một số các thành viên cá thể có chính phủ riêng hợp thành dưới một chính phủ ("liên bang") thống nhất. Trong một liên bang, chủ quyền của các thành viên liên bang được pháp luật bảo hộ và không thể bị điều chỉnh bởi một quyết định đơn phương nào của chính phủ trung ương.

Hình thức chính phủ hay kết cấu lập hiến của một liên bang được gọi là chế độ liên bang. Hình thức này có thể coi là đối lập với hình thức quốc gia đơn nhất. Nước Đức với mười sáu Länder là một ví dụ liên bang trong khi nước Áo láng giềng và các Bundesländer lại là một quốc gia đơn nhất có các đơn vị hành chính kiểu liên bang và nước Pháp luôn luôn là quốc gia đơn nhất.

Chế độ liên bang thường được thiết lập tại một quốc gia đa sắc tộc hoặc có lãnh thổ rộng lớn hoặc trong trường hợp cần thiết. Các liên bang thường được thành lập trên cơ sở một một hiệp ước giữa các thành viên có chủ quyền.

Tổ chức quốc tế của các quốc gia liên bang, gọi là Diễn đàn Liên bang [1], đặt tại Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. Tổ chức này hiện gồm chín quốc gia thành viên.

Các tiểu bang thành viên trong một liên bang được coi là có chủ quyền về một khía cạnh nào đó nhưng quyền lực cụ thể được bảo hộ của tiểu bang có thể không được chính phủ trung ương áp dụng. Tuy nhiên một liên bang lại vững chắc hơn một liên minh lỏng lẻo giữa các quốc gia độc lập. Các tiểu bang thành viên của một liên bang thường không có quyền trong quan hệ chính sách đối ngoại và vì vậy chúng muốn tình trạng không độc lập theo luật pháp quốc tế.

Một liên bang thường có một hệ thống hai cấp chính phủ tại hầu hết lãnh thổ và cho hầu hết dân cư. Tuy nhiên, sẽ không bất thường nếu nếu một liên bang có một vài vùng lãnh thổ trực tiếp do chính phủ liên bang quản lý. Ví dụ, các Vùng (Territory) của Canada và Úc có các mức độ chính phủ khác nhau và có thể bị chính phủ liên bang đơn phương thay đổi hoặc rút bỏ; ngoài các tiểu bang thành viên Ấn Độ lại có một số Lãnh thổ liên hiệp; còn Mỹ và Mexico đặt các thủ đô là Đặc khu Columbia và Đặc khu liên bang, trường hợp này chính phủ liên bang có đặc quyền hợp hiến để để bổ nhiệm hoặc miễn nhiệm chính phủ địa phương. Thông thường một lãnh thổ sẽ được điều hành trực tiếp bởi chính phủ liên bang do các nguyên nhân lịch sử mà nó đã và đang hoặc bởi vì nó quá xa và quá thưa dân để thành lập một tiểu bang hay tỉnh, hoặc bởi vì nó là một vùng lãnh thổ có vai trò đặc biệt là thủ đô của liên bang.

Một số liên bang được gọi là bất đối xứng bởi vì một vài tiểu bang lại có quyền tự trị cao hơn các tiểu bang khác. Ví dụ cho trường hợp này là Malaysia, tiểu bang Sarawak và Sabah với các điều kiện khác so với các bang khác nằm trên bán đảo Mã Lai.

Một liên bang thường được hợp nhất từ một hiệp ước ban đầu giữa các thành viên riêng lẻ. Mục đích hợp nhất để giải quyết các vấn đề chung hoặc để có năng lực phòng thủ chung như Mỹ và Thụy Sĩ hoặc tạo ra một nhà nước dân tộc cho các nhóm rải rác ở các quốc gia khác nhau như Đức. Tuy nhiên do lịch sử và dân tộc của các quốc gia rất khác nhau cho nên chế độ liên bang của một quốc gia có thể khá khác so các hình mẫu trên. Chẳng hạn trường hợp nước Úc là duy nhất vì nó trở thành một quốc gia thông qua bầu cử dân chủ của công dân tại mỗi tiểu bang khi họ đã trả lời "đồng ý" trong cuộc trưng cầu thông qua Hiến pháp Úc. Còn Brazil trong suốt lịch sử của mình đã từng vừa là quốc gia liên bang vừa là quốc gia đơn nhất; ngày nay một số tiểu bang của Liên bang vẫn duy trì ranh giới từ thời thuộc địa Bồ Đào Nha (có nghĩa là trước khi nhà nước Brazil ra đời) và vẫn bị ảnh hưởng nhiều bởi chính phủ trung ương đặt tại tiểu bang cuối cùng được thành lập theo Hiến pháp 1988, chủ yếu vì mục đích hành chính.

Welcome to this new blog created

Jom reap sour;

This blog is created regarding to the revealing of Vietnamese's plan to form Vietnam, Cambodia and Lao Confederation or Vietcamlao Federation Republic in its abbreviation. Of course, we have suspected and anticipated the submerging plan of Vietnamese leaders to unite former Indochina Federation since the end of cold war, but we have never received any official plan or paper Vietnamese people and their leaders wrote about it. Now, after screening the whole page of preamble and federation article, I am struck by two aspects: is this individual Vietnamese effort aimed to draw attention from the public, or is this the leaking information from the Vietnamese government? We might not completely be able to seek for the true intention of publicizing this information, but what we can understand is the theme of the document ultimately coinciding with doubts Cambodian people have always been skeptical about.

This blog is named Vietcamlao Federation Republic in order to emphasize the intent of the founder to search more comprehensive understanding, and he plans to conduct in-dept research and diffusing public opinion to ably judge and comprehend this federation formation.

We, Cambodians, are not free of losing national sovereignty if this attempt is achieved. However, without having proper in-dept research about this plan, we might be easily entrapped or lost.

Next step, we will re-compile the document in Vietnamese, English and translate it into Khmer. After that, we will conduct a research combining with both qualitative and quantitative. Literature review will be needed and public survey will be conducted to arguably debate this issue.

I hope this study will be an eye-opening for analytical thinking for all Cambodians.

In Solidarity,

Sophan S.

PS: Further information, please contact: info@vietcamlao.info