Kampuchea Krom - The Battles and Bargains That Left a People Behind

 

By Michelle Vachon
The Cambodia daily

    In his 1966 book "Les frontières du Cambodge," political scientist Sarin Chhak introduces his section on Kampuchea Krom by saying that this region of the Mekong delta was Cambodian territory until the middle of the 17th Century, when Vietnam took advantage of Cambodia's internal struggles to take it over.

    As to how this occurred, Sarin Chhak, who served on Cambodia's negotiating team in border talks with South Vietnam in the mid-1960s, sidesteps the issue: "We don't claim to go back in history. It seems of little use to repeat what numerous authors have reported on the topic."

    By the late 1800s, southern Vietnam had become the French territory of Cochin-China and Cambodia's King Norodom had sought and signed the Protectorate Treaty with France. In his book, Sarin Chhak argued that France's 1860s annexations of large portions of Kampuchea Krom to Cochin-China was an administrative decision that did not legally set borders.

    And though Sarin Chhak asserted that "numerous authors" had written on the history of Kampuchea Krom, no historian has yet produced a full account of the events which led to today's situation: a population of Cambodians estimated at more than 1 million in Vietnam's 1999 census, but believed considerably larger, living among a population of some 83 million Vietnamese.

    Ros Chantrabot, vice president of the Royal Academy of Cambodia and an associate researcher at France's Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique in Paris, said that the ranks of Cambodian historians, as in other fields, were depleted by decades of conflict and that among the very few remaining, none has concentrated on Kampuchea Krom.

Defining Cambodia

By Michelle Vachon
The Cambodia Daily

Sixty-five years ago, a French colonial administrator made a decision on maritime borders between Cambodia and Cochin-China, as the southern part of Vietnam was then called.

Jules Brevie hoped his decision would resolve, once and for all, a long dispute.

Meant to clarify which islands in the Gulf of Thailand fell under the jurisdiction of either Cambodia or Cochin-China, Jules Brevie's administrative notice of Jan 31, 1939, has been at the heart of all maritime border quarrels between Cambodia and Vietnam ever since.

Every political regime in Cambodia has raised the issue, which still triggers heated debates and often puts the two countries at odds with each other.

In the 1960s, then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk requested an international conference to settle the matter once and for all, and to protect Cambodia's territory through peaceful means.

No such approach suited the Khmer Rouge, who bombarded the Vietnamese island of Phu Quoc (Koh Trac in Khmer) and exterminated the 515 Vietnamese residents of Poulo Panjang (Tho Chu island) in May 1975, said Raoul Marc Jennar in his 1997 doctorate thesis, "Contemporary Cambodian Borders." 

The only agreements on maritime borders between Cambodia and Vietnam were signed in July 1982. They were part of a series of pacts that were based on the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation signed on Feb 18, 1979 shortly after Vietnam had ousted the Khmer Rouge regime, taken over the country and installed a Hanoi-friendly government.

Valid for 25 years, terms of the agreement indicate that the 1979 treaty will be automatically renewed for periods of 10 years, unless revoked the year before renewal by either country, said Var Kim Hong, chairman of Cambodia's Border Committees.

As far as he knows, no measure has been taken to annul the agreement, and it should get renewed on Wednesday, he said.

A Biography of Sarin Chhak: Border expert's fate a mystery

By Julio A. Jeldres

 

The current debate over Cambodia's borders has involved references on several occasions to the name of Sarin Chhak, the eminent author of the only complete study (in four volumes) of the Kingdom's borders, whose whereabouts have been the source of much speculation following his disappearance immediately after the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in January 1979.

 

Sarin Chhak was born Khin Kaing, in Krangsla village, Prey Kabass district, Takeo province on January 2, 1922. He was the child of Mr. Khin and Mrs. Chhay Lak, both farmers.

 

Because he had to help his parents on the farm, he was unable to attend primary school at an early age like other Cambodian children. During the French colonial period, a regulation forbade children of advanced age to enroll in primary school, so in order to attend, Kaing changed his name to Sarin Chhak becuase he did not want to disclose his real age.

 

He was a good student and was, therefore, encouraged to pursue studies at a higher level. He graduated from Phnom Penh University with a law degree and obtained his Ph.D. in Economic Law in France in 1966. The topic of his dissertation was "The Borders of Cambodia".

 

Paul Reuter, a professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of Paris and one of Cambodia's lawyers in the Preah Vihear case, writes in the introduction to the first volume of "Borders of Cambodia" that "[Sarin Chhak's] work, brilliantly presented in front of the Faculty Law and Economic Sciences of Paris, will permit the author to find an attentive audience, which shall not fail to appreciate the conscience, the tireless labor and the merits of the author." Adding that, "Sarin Chhak abstained from creating any polemic or of using words filled with bitterness and inviting us to believe that violence is not the only recourse to achieve an aim.

 

"Upon his return to Cambodia, he joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and served in different posts within the ministry and also at the Cambodian Embassy in Paris. He was appointed Ambassador to the United Arab Republic (Egypt) in 1968, with residence in Cairo, while concurrently serving as Ambassador to Senegal.

 

Following the coup of March 18, 1970, Sarin Chhak denounced the coup, refused to recognize the Lon Nol government and declared his allegiance to Samdech Norodom Sihanouk as the legal Head of State of Cambodia. At the same time, he announced that the Cambodian Embassy in Cairo had become the "Embassy of Progressive Cambodia in the UAR".

 

CAMBODIA: "What Cambodians need most urgently in the kind of world they live"

 "Lien bang Viet Cam Lao"

Earlier this month, a social network blog published "Lien bang Viet Cam Lao" in Vietnamese language, with the English translation, "Federal Republic of Vietcamlao" (Vietnam-Cambodia-Laos), complete with "Articles of Confederation," a national flag, a capital at Danang, and some photos.

I poohed-poohed the blog: Hanoi's desire to Vietnamize Cambodia is nothing new. Quickly, I realized Cambodians have been stirred by it. Denunciations of this fictitious "nation-state" have followed.

A reader asked what I thought of the "Lien bang Viet Cam Lao" blog. I said, maybe we spent too much time and energy worrying about whether history will repeat itself, discussing and denouncing whom we think responsible for Cambodia's decline, rather than devoting time and energy to educating and learning, and to seeking solutions.

History must not be forgotten; it helps us understand the present, and prepare for the future. Looking forward, I use time and energy to write on what would propel a people forward: Good ideas, quality thoughts, high values and principles, backed by actions, are what keep Khmers as a nation.

FOR PUBLICATION
AHRC-ETC-024-2010
September 15, 2010

An article by Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth published by the Asian Human Rights Commission

September 15, 2010
Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth

The East-West Cold War ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union on Dec. 25, 1991: Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev resigned from his post, which was abolished, and the red Soviet flag over the Kremlin came down for the last time. Foreign policy expert Francis Fukuyama, a proponent of liberal democracy, called it "The triumph of the West, of the Western idea," and "The end of history."

Two months earlier, the international community and the four warring Cambodian factions adopted the Oct. 23, 1991 Final Act of the Paris Peace Accords, to "restore peace" to Cambodia, ravaged by "tragic conflict and continuing bloodshed." The Soviet-backed Vietnamese troops had withdrawn from Cambodia in 1989 after having installed a puppet Cambodian regime that replaced the Chinese-backed Pol Pot regime, defeated militarily in 1979.

International and Cambodian signatories declared to "commit themselves to promote and encourage respect for and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Cambodia..."

Today, almost 19 years after the Cold War ended, the world's nation-states -- great powers, middle powers, small powers -- continue their competition for power and influence. Robert Kagan, of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, wrote a book on this world, titled, "The Return of History and the End of Dreams."

Next month marks the 19th anniversary of the Paris Peace Accords on Cambodia. The shooting war had ended; one lone Khmer Rouge cadre, Kaing Guek Eav, alias Duch, head of the notorious S-21 prison, among the Khmer Rouge directly and indirectly involved in the death of more than two million people in 1975-1979, has been convicted of his crimes. The rest walk free; the stipulations of the Accords have not been implemented.

Federation Republic of Vietcamlao: An Introduction

Introduction

Federal Republic of Vietcamlao recently appeared in a social network website named multiply.com posted by a Vietnamese called himself Phong. After that, we see this documents spread in many blogs such as ki-media.blogspot.com, cambodianbrightfuture.blogspot.com as well as Vietnamese website based in Montreal of Canada vietnamville.ca. Although those blogs/website sometime are not referral as an academic source, but they have played important role as the medium to bridge all people to debate political, social and economic issues.

The Vietcamlao plan is not considered a new plan if we review the history of Indochina Federation created by French colony. But the current Vietcamlao plan is significantly  illustrating the mindset of Vietnamese people and leaders. After reviewed the article and utilized online search engine effectively, I have found that the Vietnamese preamble at the beginning and the confederation article have been totally cut and pasted from other websites. Part of Vietnamese language at the beginning was translated from wikipedia's article focused on Federation. Part of the Confederation Article in English language was cut, pasted  and edited from another website. The inconsistency of the document illustrates the incomplete work of the author, or it is considered just part of author's leisure time spending on the internet. However, the mindset is really substantial for me to further study. More than this, the proposed capital city at Danang is geopolitically significant; the drawing flag and its meaning as well as the federation map, all are attractive to further study the thought, effort and political trend of Vietnamese people and leaders in glancing at their neighboring countries: Cambodia and Lao.

Vietcamlao Federal Republic flag, blue symbolizes the sea, red for courage and sacrifice to defend the country people, green for forests, plains, 5 stars for 5 represents primary state of North, Central, South Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. (http://ttxphongck.multiply.com/journal/item/237/237)

Map of the Federal Republic of Vietcamlao with the capital city of Danang (http://ttxphongck.multiply.com/journal/item/237/237)

In searching for truth of this Vietcamlao plan and Vietnamese mindset, we will review some Cambodian books such as the "Westward Journey and the Indochina in 2000" by Noun Koeun, Cambodia and Indochina Federation by Chan Dara translated from French by Thong Ngoun and Pen Nearovi, and Border of Cambodia with former Indochina Federation countries, a thesis by Sarin Chhak. With this regard, we have many foreign books to read especially some online websites such as wikipedia.com to complimentarily add to our references.

Liên bang Việt Cam Lào (Federal Republic of Vietcamlao)

Liên bang Việt Cam Lào (Federal Republic of Vietcamlao)

Liên bang (Latin: foedus) là hình thức quốc gia bao gồm một số các thành viên cá thể có chính phủ riêng hợp thành dưới một chính phủ ("liên bang") thống nhất. Trong một liên bang, chủ quyền của các thành viên liên bang được pháp luật bảo hộ và không thể bị điều chỉnh bởi một quyết định đơn phương nào của chính phủ trung ương.

Hình thức chính phủ hay kết cấu lập hiến của một liên bang được gọi là chế độ liên bang. Hình thức này có thể coi là đối lập với hình thức quốc gia đơn nhất. Nước Đức với mười sáu Länder là một ví dụ liên bang trong khi nước Áo láng giềng và các Bundesländer lại là một quốc gia đơn nhất có các đơn vị hành chính kiểu liên bang và nước Pháp luôn luôn là quốc gia đơn nhất.

Chế độ liên bang thường được thiết lập tại một quốc gia đa sắc tộc hoặc có lãnh thổ rộng lớn hoặc trong trường hợp cần thiết. Các liên bang thường được thành lập trên cơ sở một một hiệp ước giữa các thành viên có chủ quyền.

Tổ chức quốc tế của các quốc gia liên bang, gọi là Diễn đàn Liên bang [1], đặt tại Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. Tổ chức này hiện gồm chín quốc gia thành viên.

Các tiểu bang thành viên trong một liên bang được coi là có chủ quyền về một khía cạnh nào đó nhưng quyền lực cụ thể được bảo hộ của tiểu bang có thể không được chính phủ trung ương áp dụng. Tuy nhiên một liên bang lại vững chắc hơn một liên minh lỏng lẻo giữa các quốc gia độc lập. Các tiểu bang thành viên của một liên bang thường không có quyền trong quan hệ chính sách đối ngoại và vì vậy chúng muốn tình trạng không độc lập theo luật pháp quốc tế.

Một liên bang thường có một hệ thống hai cấp chính phủ tại hầu hết lãnh thổ và cho hầu hết dân cư. Tuy nhiên, sẽ không bất thường nếu nếu một liên bang có một vài vùng lãnh thổ trực tiếp do chính phủ liên bang quản lý. Ví dụ, các Vùng (Territory) của Canada và Úc có các mức độ chính phủ khác nhau và có thể bị chính phủ liên bang đơn phương thay đổi hoặc rút bỏ; ngoài các tiểu bang thành viên Ấn Độ lại có một số Lãnh thổ liên hiệp; còn Mỹ và Mexico đặt các thủ đô là Đặc khu Columbia và Đặc khu liên bang, trường hợp này chính phủ liên bang có đặc quyền hợp hiến để để bổ nhiệm hoặc miễn nhiệm chính phủ địa phương. Thông thường một lãnh thổ sẽ được điều hành trực tiếp bởi chính phủ liên bang do các nguyên nhân lịch sử mà nó đã và đang hoặc bởi vì nó quá xa và quá thưa dân để thành lập một tiểu bang hay tỉnh, hoặc bởi vì nó là một vùng lãnh thổ có vai trò đặc biệt là thủ đô của liên bang.

Một số liên bang được gọi là bất đối xứng bởi vì một vài tiểu bang lại có quyền tự trị cao hơn các tiểu bang khác. Ví dụ cho trường hợp này là Malaysia, tiểu bang Sarawak và Sabah với các điều kiện khác so với các bang khác nằm trên bán đảo Mã Lai.

Một liên bang thường được hợp nhất từ một hiệp ước ban đầu giữa các thành viên riêng lẻ. Mục đích hợp nhất để giải quyết các vấn đề chung hoặc để có năng lực phòng thủ chung như Mỹ và Thụy Sĩ hoặc tạo ra một nhà nước dân tộc cho các nhóm rải rác ở các quốc gia khác nhau như Đức. Tuy nhiên do lịch sử và dân tộc của các quốc gia rất khác nhau cho nên chế độ liên bang của một quốc gia có thể khá khác so các hình mẫu trên. Chẳng hạn trường hợp nước Úc là duy nhất vì nó trở thành một quốc gia thông qua bầu cử dân chủ của công dân tại mỗi tiểu bang khi họ đã trả lời "đồng ý" trong cuộc trưng cầu thông qua Hiến pháp Úc. Còn Brazil trong suốt lịch sử của mình đã từng vừa là quốc gia liên bang vừa là quốc gia đơn nhất; ngày nay một số tiểu bang của Liên bang vẫn duy trì ranh giới từ thời thuộc địa Bồ Đào Nha (có nghĩa là trước khi nhà nước Brazil ra đời) và vẫn bị ảnh hưởng nhiều bởi chính phủ trung ương đặt tại tiểu bang cuối cùng được thành lập theo Hiến pháp 1988, chủ yếu vì mục đích hành chính.

Welcome to this new blog created

Jom reap sour;

This blog is created regarding to the revealing of Vietnamese's plan to form Vietnam, Cambodia and Lao Confederation or Vietcamlao Federation Republic in its abbreviation. Of course, we have suspected and anticipated the submerging plan of Vietnamese leaders to unite former Indochina Federation since the end of cold war, but we have never received any official plan or paper Vietnamese people and their leaders wrote about it. Now, after screening the whole page of preamble and federation article, I am struck by two aspects: is this individual Vietnamese effort aimed to draw attention from the public, or is this the leaking information from the Vietnamese government? We might not completely be able to seek for the true intention of publicizing this information, but what we can understand is the theme of the document ultimately coinciding with doubts Cambodian people have always been skeptical about.

This blog is named Vietcamlao Federation Republic in order to emphasize the intent of the founder to search more comprehensive understanding, and he plans to conduct in-dept research and diffusing public opinion to ably judge and comprehend this federation formation.

We, Cambodians, are not free of losing national sovereignty if this attempt is achieved. However, without having proper in-dept research about this plan, we might be easily entrapped or lost.

Next step, we will re-compile the document in Vietnamese, English and translate it into Khmer. After that, we will conduct a research combining with both qualitative and quantitative. Literature review will be needed and public survey will be conducted to arguably debate this issue.

I hope this study will be an eye-opening for analytical thinking for all Cambodians.

In Solidarity,

Sophan S.

PS: Further information, please contact: info@vietcamlao.info