“KHMER RICHE”

Written by Andrew Marshall
Good Weekend Magazine for the Sydney Morning Herald
Sunday 12/12/09

They live in one of the poorest countries on earth, yet they drive flash cars, dwell in mansions and scorn their impoverished brethren. Andrew Marshall meets the rich sons and daughters of Cambodia elite.

The huge Phnom Penh mansion owned by Victor's parents, General Meas Sophea. (Good Weekend Magazine)

“I’m going to drive a little fast now. Is that Okay?” There is one place in Cambodia where you can hold a cold beer in one hand and a warm Kalashnikov in the other, and Victor is driving me there. We’re powering along Phnom Penh’s airport road with Oasis on his Merc’s sound system and enough guns in the boot to sink a Somali pirate boat. Victor is rich and life is sweet. His father is commander of the Cambodian infantry. He has a place reserved for him at L’Ecole Speciale Militaire de Saint-Cyr, France’s answer to Duntroon. And, in his passenger seat, there is a thin, silent man with a Chinese handgun: his bodyguard.

“His name is Klar,” says Victor. “It means tiger.”
Victor is only 21, but when reach our destination—a firing range run by the Cambodian special forces—the soldier at the gate salutes.

Devastated by decades of civil war, Cambodia remains one of the world’s poorest nations. A third of its 13 million people live on less than a dollar a day and about 8 out of every 100 children die before the age of five. But Victor—real name Meas Sophearith—was raised in a different Cambodia, where power and billions of dollars in wealth are concentrated in the hands of a tiny elite. This elite prefers to conceal the size and sources of their money—illegal logging, smuggling, land-grabbing—but their children just like to spend it. The Khmer Rouge are dead; the Khmer Riche now rule Cambodia.

CAMBODIA’S TOP TEN TYCOONS – Wikileaks Cable Viewer

CAMBODIA’S TOP TEN TYCOONS – Wikileaks Cable Viewer
Source: WikiLeaks Cable Viewer

SUBJECT: CAMBODIA’S TOP TEN TYCOONS
Sensitive But Unclassified. Not for internet distribution.

¶1. (SBU) Summary. Prime Minister Hun Sen is making efforts to bridge the gap between the political and private sector by cultivating mutually beneficial relationships with the country’s most prominent business tycoons. These business leaders contribute money to the ruling Cambodian Peoples Party (CPP) and Hun Sen can call on them to fund charities and public works projects and to attract foreign investment, achievements for which the CPP can claim credit. In return, the business tycoons enjoy the added credibility and legitimacy of having the Prime Minister’s support. These symbiotic relationships illustrate the networks of business tycoons, political figures, and government officials that have formed in Cambodia, which reinforce the culture of impunity and limit progress on reforms such as Hun Sen’s self-declared “war on corruption.” Post highlights the storied lives and diverse investment portfolios of ten of the most prominent of these well-connected tycoons. End Summary.
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Kith Meng: “Mr. Rough Stuff”
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¶2. (SBU) A dual Cambodian-Australian citizen with a BA from Australian National University, Kith Meng was born on September 1, 1968. He is described as a relatively young and ruthless gangster by Mekong Bank Chairman Michael Stephen (PROTECT). Another well-connected business man in the Cambodian community claims that Kith Meng is notorious for using his bodyguards to coerce others into brokering deals. As the chairman and CEO of Royal Group of Companies (RGC), his resume runs the gamut of many different businesses. He is concurrently the chairman of mobile phone company Cam GSM Co., Cambodia Television Network (CTN), Cambo Six European soccer betting Co., and CamLot Lottery Co. He has also become an exclusive distributor of Canon products. Kith Meng owns the Northbridge International School and the Cambodiana Hotel. One of the most widely recognized achievements of the Royal Group is its new joint venture with Australian-based ANZ bank, in which both companies established ANZ Royal Bank in 2005. The Royal Group owns 45% of the new bank. Kith Meng also recently launched a new Cambodian insurance company, Infinity General Insurance, through a joint venture with Kuala Lumpur-based Infinity Financial Solutions.
¶3. (SBU) Recently, Kith Meng was elected President of the Cambodian Chamber of Commerce. He also serves as an advisor to Prime Minister Hun Sen and serves on the board of the Cambodian Red Cross, whose President is Hun Sen’s wife, Bun Rany. Politically, Kith Meng has good relations with the Cambodian People’s Party, FUNCINPEC, and the Sam Rainsy Party. He claims credit for negotiating the three-way deal among the parties to engineer Sam Rainsy’s return to Cambodia in early 2006. Several sources believe that the CPP has tried to strengthen its relationship with Kith Meng because it wants CTN’s ability to broadcast to a large number of Cambodians living abroad. Kith Meng speaks, reads, and writes both Khmer and English.
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Historical Context for Vietnamization of Cambodia (e.g. Viettel/Metfone; Hun Sen's rise to power)

Brother Enemy–the War after the War

A History of Indochina Since the Fall of Saigon

By Nayan Chanda

(MacMillan Publishing Co., New York, 1986)

Excerpts from Chapter 7 (Calm Before the Storm)

Birth of a Khmer “Liberation Army”

The Vietnamese Politburo met again in mid-February [1978] in the outskirts of Ho Chi Minh City at the secluded compound of what used to be the police training school of the fallen Thieu regime.  The meeting studied the nuts and bolts of the plan for setting up a Cambodian Communist party and a resistance organization.  Shortly after the meeting, Le Duan and Le Duc Tho met separately with Cambodian party cadres who had lived in exile in Vietnam since 1954 and the ones who had escaped from Pol Pot’s purges to seek asylum in Vietnam.

Of some one thousand Khmers who had regrouped in Hanoi in 1954 under the Geneva Agreement, only a handful had stayed behind in North Vietnam.  The majority had returned to Cambodia to join the anti-U.S. resistance, and few of them survived the war and the purges.  So the Khmer candidates for leadership in February composed a small group whose main achievement was survival.  There was Pen Sovan, a forty-year-old cadre who had come to North Vietnam in 1954, along with one thousand others, who had been educated in the party and army schools in Hanoi and made a major in the Vietnamese army.  There were Chan Si and Khang Sarin, majors in the Vietnamese army; Tang Saroem, another Khmer exile, who was working as a labor supervisor in Vietnam’s Hon Gai coal mines; Keo Chanda, the Khmer language newsreader from Radio Hanoi; Chea Soth, a news editor from the Vietnam News Agency.  And with them were escapees from Cambodia, political cadres like Hem Samin, Yos Por, Hun Sen, and Bou Thang.

Dragged out of their nondescript offices and refugees barracks, there were suddenly presented to the top Vietnamese leaders whom they had previously known only in pictures.  By a turn of fortune there too were to be leaders in a new Cambodia still in the womb of the future…

New CEO of Phnom Penh Post

Phnom Penh Post FRIDAY, 31 DECEMBER 2010 15:00 CATHERINE JAMES

Moun Ramady, Post Media’s new chief executive officer. Photo by: Will Baxter

 

Media’s new chief executive officer Moun Ramady is not fazed about taking the helm of a newspaper company at a time when globally the industry is downsizing. On the contrary, he says that in the Cambodian market there is plenty of room to grow.

“All the newspapers in the world are shrinking, and we are growing. People are shutting down, and we are expanding. I see the potential,” he says.

His vision for Post Media’s publications - both Khmer and English editions of The Phnom Penh Post - is expansion, particularly for the Khmer edition, which he describes as “the future of Post Media”.

“[The Post Khmer] is going to overtake the English edition, no matter what,” he says.

“The expat readership for the English edition here is maybe 20,000, but for the Khmer edition, you’ve got a population of 14 million. In the future, the flagship of the company will be the Khmer edition. And this is where our future is.”

Moun Ramady says although the company is operating at a loss, he is confident this will turn around as the fruits of expansion take hold. For example, The Post’s online site is getting between 20,000 and 30,000 hits a day.

Khmer Rouge history: pathway to grab guns for fighting

ខ្មែរក្រហម - 

អត្ថបទចុះ​ផ្សាយ​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ ព្រហស្បតិ៍ 14 កក្កដា 2011 - ព័ត៌មានទើប​កែប្រើ​លើកចុងក្រោយ​ ថ្ងៃ ព្រហស្បតិ៍ 14 កក្កដា 2011

ដំណើរ​ឆ្ពោះទៅ​ការ​តស៊ូ​ដោយ​ប្រដាប់​អាវុធ​របស់​ខ្មែរក្រហម

ទាហាន​ខ្មែរក្រហម

AFP

ដោយ សេង ឌីណា

កាលពី​សប្តាហ៍​មុន លោកអ្នកស្តាប់​បាន​ជ្រាប​រួចមក​ហើយ អំពី​ដើមកំណើត​របស់​ចលនា​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ខ្មែរ និង​ការតស៊ូ​តាមផ្លូវ​នយោបាយ នៅកម្ពុជា។ នៅថ្ងៃ​នេះ សេង ឌីណា នឹង​រៀបរាប់​អំពី​ព្រឹត្តិការណ៍​សំខាន់ៗ ដែល​ជំរុញឲ្យ​ពួក​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ខ្មែរ បោះបង់​ការ​តស៊ូ​តាមផ្លូវ​នយោបាយ ហើយ​រត់ចូលព្រៃ ធ្វើការ​តស៊ូ​ដោយ​ប្រដាប់អាវុធ​វិញ។

បទ​អត្ថាធិប្បាយ​របស់ សេង ឌីណា ស្តាប់ (08:52) 14/07/2011

នៅ​ឆ្នាំ១៩៦២ មេដឹកនាំ​របស់​បក្ស​ប្រជាជន​ស្ទើរតែ​ទាំងអស់​ត្រូវ​បាន​ចាប់ខ្លួន និង​ផ្តន្ទាទោស​ឲ្យ​ជាប់គុក​អស់​មួយ​ជីវិត ក្នុងនោះ​រួមមាន​មេដឹកនាំ​សំខាន់ៗ ដូចជា កែវ មាស និង នន សួន ផងដែរ។ បក្ស​ពលករ​កម្ពុជា​ក៏បាន​សម្រេចចិត្ត​រំលាយ​បក្ស​ប្រជាជន​ចោល ដែល​ជា​ហេតុ​នាំ​ឲ្យ​ពួក​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​លែងមាន​ឧបករណ៍​សម្រាប់​ធ្វើ​ការ​តស៊ូ ​ផ្នែក​នយោបាយ​ទៀត។

ទូ សាមុត បាត់ខ្លួន សាឡុត ស ឡើង​មកដឹកនាំបក្ស

ក្នុង​ពេល​ជាមួយ​គ្នានោះ រចនាសម្ព័ន្ធ​របស់​បក្ស​ពលករ​កម្ពុជា​បាន​ជួប​នឹង​របត់​មួយ​យ៉ាង​សំខាន់។ ទូ សាមុត ដែល​ជា​លេខាបក្ស បាន​បាត់ខ្លួន​ដោយ​មិនដឹង​មូលហេតុ។ យោងតាម​លោក Ben Kiernan សាឡុត ស និង​បក្ខពួក​ទំនងជា​មាន​ជាប់​ទាក់ទង​នឹង​ការបាត់ខ្លួន​របស់ ទូ សាមុត នេះ។ នៅក្នុង​មហាសន្និបាត​ខែ​កុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ១៩៦៣ សាឡុត ស ត្រូវបាន​ជ្រើសតាំង​ឲ្យ​ធ្វើ​ជា​អគ្គលេខាធិការ​បក្ស​ជំនួស ទូ សាមុត ដោយ​រំលង នួន ជា ដែលជា​អនុលេខាបក្ស។ ឯ អៀង សារី ក៏​ឡើង​ជា​មេដឹកនាំ​លំដាប់​ទី​បី​ក្នុង​បក្ស។ សោ ភឹម, វ៉ន វេត, សុន សេន និង ជួន ជឿន ហៅ ម៉ុក ស្ថិតក្នុង​ចំណោម​សមាជិក​នៃ​គណៈកម្មាធិការ​មជ្ឈិម​បក្ស។ ចំណែក​អតីត​មេដឹកនាំ​ចាស់ៗ ដូច​ជា នន សួន និង កែវ មាស ជាដើម ត្រូវ​បាន​គេ​ផាត់​ចេញ​ពី​រចនាសម្ព័ន្ធ​ថ្មី​នេះ។

Opposition highs and lows

Thursday, 14 July 2011 15:02

James O’Toole and Thomas Miller

An SRP source even told American diplomats in March 2006 that Hun Sen had “recently offered to take opposition leader Sam Rainsy into the government as a deputy prime minister, possibly with broad authority over various ministries”. “Rainsy reportedly declined, telling the PM that such a move would be ‘political suicide’ for an opposition leader,” according to the source. 

Photo by: Heng Chivoan

Sam Rainsy speaks to reporters in Phnom Penh in 2009.

As one-time Funcinpec leader and National Assembly President Norodom Ranariddh was forced from the parliamentary leadership in 2006, US embassy officials cast a worried eye over the state of political pluralism in the Kingdom, according to newly released diplomatic cables.

“What is disturbing is that the [Sam Rainsy Party] is on the sidelines, cheering on FUNCINPEC’s problems, just as FUNCINPEC did nothing to assist the SRP when Hun Sen was attacking the opposition during 2005,” a March 2006 cable states. “Both parties believe they would be beneficiaries of the other’s demise; unfortunately, neither party leader trusts the other enough to overcome past differences and work together to achieve the reforms needed within the Cambodian government.”

The American diplomatic cables released on Tuesday detail the struggles of the Royalist movement through the middle of the past decade, from the perceived frustrations of Ranariddh in being passed over for the kingship to the corruption allegations that dogged the party as Hun Sen sought to oust them from the coalition government. At the same time, the halting reform efforts of the SRP are depicted in the on-again, off-again relations between Sam Rainsy and Hun Sen.

With the 2004 coronation of King Norodom Sihamoni, who drew praise in the cables from American diplomats for his graceful and unassuming style, Ranariddh is said to have displayed “petulance” and alienated fellow Funcinpec members in his apparent frustration at being passed over. Eating dinner with US diplomats in October 2004, three senior Funcinpec officials reportedly “expressed grave doubt in Ranariddh’s leadership ability, suggesting that, rather than raising his stature, he is increasingly making himself a laughing stock”.

As years pass, American diplomats see the once-powerful party undone. “Because of corruption and nepotism, the party is losing support from the people and talented officials, such as the SRP’s Mu Sochua, have left the party,” a Funcinpec party member tells American diplomats, later saying most of the royalist party’s officials were “weak and interested only in womanizing and money”.

Cambodian People’s Party official Prum Sokha, meanwhile, reportedly complained that Funcinpec officials “have bloated the staffing of ministries with relatives and party members without consideration of qualifications or interest in the jobs”.

Cambodia's leaders are murderous kleptocrats: author

Stephen Long reported this story on Thursday, July 14, 2011

JOEL BRINKLEY: for the first time in the last few years Cambodia has young people who have graduated from college and realise that things are not right, that their country needs to change.

Listen to MP3 of this story

STEPHEN LONG: Cambodia is one of the world's poorest nations. At least 30 per cent of the population live on less than a dollar a day.

The Australian Government gives over $64 million in aid to Cambodia every year - the world, more than a billion. But how much of that actually gets to the Cambodian people?

Joel Brinkley is the author of a new book called Cambodia's Curse. He says Cambodia's leaders are murderous kleptocrats who pocket most foreign aid, while selling the nation's rice crop for the own gain, and leaving their people to starve, as the world turns a blind eye.

Joel Brinkley spoke to me from his home in California.

JOEL BRINKLEY: Cambodia is an oddity in that 80 per cent of people who live in the country live in the countryside with no electricity, no clean water, no radio, not television. They live more or less as they did 1,000 years ago.

Occasionally somebody might have a cell phone or a motorbike and some people have televisions powered by car batteries but they live in very primitive conditions and that's 80 per cent of the population.

STEPHEN LONG: One of the things that moved me in your articles was the description of the plight of the children.

Phnom Penh Post debut Wikileak Cables on Cambodian Tycoons

Kith Meng - “Mr Rough Stuff”
	Chairman and CEO of the Royal Group Kith Meng was described in the cable as a “relatively young and ruthless gangster”. He could not be reached for comment.
Ly Yong Phat - “The King of Koh Kong”
	Ruling party senator Ly Yong Phat’s nickname derives from his prominence in his home province. According to the cable, Ly Yong Phat has business interests in tobacco, electricity, casinos and resorts.
Lim Chhiv Ho - “The Gatekeeper”
	The director of Attwood Export Import Co Ltd - a liquor distributor - Lim Chhiv Ho is “one of Cambodia’s most well-connected women”, according to the cable.

Comprehensive brief history of Khmer Rouge and CPP

Of course, the journey of Khmer Communist Movement has significantly backed by Vietnam since the birth of this movement in Cambodia. The author has comprehensively elaborated the emerge of Indochina Communist Movement to fight against French Colony and it's contingency up to present. Khmer Labor Party was split into three groups: two in Cambodia, one in Vietnam. But this three groups have never given up in interacting with each other. Thanks Vietnamese active communist aka Achar Mien or Son Ngoc Minh who was able to embed his legacy in Cambodia. And modern CPP is the pride and success of Achar Mien. I remembered when I was young, while Cambodia was totally led by Vietnam and this country changed from Monarchy to Non-monarchy (State of Cambodia), the money photos of Sihanouk were replaced by the face of Son Ngoc Minh. Once, Funcipec failed to persuade Khmer Rouge to defect to their group, it was possibly because Funcipec is not one of the three communist divisions split their struggling paths during their recession. 

ខ្មែរក្រហម - អត្ថបទចុះ​ផ្សាយ​នៅ​ថ្ងៃ ព្រហស្បតិ៍ 07 កក្កដា 2011 - ព័ត៌មានទើប​កែប្រើ​លើកចុងក្រោយ​ ថ្ងៃ ព្រហស្បតិ៍ 07 កក្កដា 2011

 

Click her to listen the whole analyzing

ដើមកំណើត​នៃ​បក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​កម្ពុជា

ប្រភពដើម​នៃ​បក្សកុម្មុយនិស្តកម្ពុជា គឺ​កើតចេញ​ពី​បក្សកុម្មុយនិស្ត​ឥណ្ឌូចិន​

ដោយ សេង ឌីណា

មុននឹង​បង្កើត​ជា​គណបក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​កម្ពុជា ចលនាកុម្មុយនិស្ត​ខ្មែរ គឺ​ជា​ផ្នែក​មួយ នៃ​គណបក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ឥណ្ឌូចិន របស់​ ហូ ជីមិញ។ នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៥១ ទើប​ចលនា​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ខ្មែរ​បាន​បែកចេញ​ពី​គណបក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ឥណ្ឌូចិន ដោយ​បង្កើត​ជា​គណបក្ស​ខ្លួនឯង មានឈ្មោះ​ថា គណបក្ស​ប្រជាជន​បដិវត្តន៍​កម្ពុជា។

បទ​អត្ថាធិប្បាយ​របស់ សេង ឌីណា

បក្សកុម្មុយនិស្ត​ឥណ្ឌូចិន
 
លទ្ធិកុម្មុយនិស្ត​​បាន​ចាប់ផ្តើម​​រីកដុះដាល​ខ្លាំង នៅ​ទូទាំង​ពិភពលោក តាមរយៈ​​ចលនា​ប្រឆាំង​នឹង​អាណានិគម ដែល​ចាប់ផ្ទុះឡើង​ នៅ​ក្រោយ​សង្រ្គាម​លោក​លើកទីពីរ។ នៅឥណ្ឌូចិន ដែល​ស្ថិត​ក្រោម​អាណានិគម​បារាំង​ ក៏​មាន​ចលនា​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​មួយ​ដែរ គឺ “បក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ឥណ្ឌូចិន” ដែល​​បង្កើត​ឡើង​ដោយ ហូ ជីមិញ នៅ​ឆ្នាំ១៩៣០។ បក្ស​នេះ​ប្រមូលផ្តុំ​ចលនា​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ដែល​មកពី​ប្រទេស​កម្ពុជា វៀតណាម និង​ឡាវ។

នៅ​កម្ពុជា​ សាខាបក្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ឥណ្ឌូចិន​ ត្រូវបាន​បង្កើតឡើង ​នៅ​ឆ្នាំ​១៩៤២ ដោយ​អាចារ្យមៀន ហៅ សឺន ង៉ុកមិញ។ យោងតាម​លោកស្រី Elizabeth Beckerឈ្មោះ សឺន ង៉ុកមិញ នេះ គឺជា​ការ​ច្របាច់​បញ្ចូលគ្នា​រវាង​ សឺន ង៉ុកថាញ់ និង ហូ ជីមិញ។ ធ្វើ​បែបនេះ គឺ​ក្នុង​គោលដៅ​ឆ្លៀត​យក​ចំណេញ​ពី​ប្រជាប្រិយភាព​របស់ សឺន ង៉ុកថាញ់ ដែល​ជា​ប្រមុខ​ដឹកនាំ​ចលនា​ប្រឆាំង​បារាំង​ដ៏​ល្បីល្បាញ​មួយ គឺ​ចលនា​ខ្មែរ​ឥស្សរៈ។ ប៉ុន្តែ សឺន ង៉ុកថាញ់​ មិនមែន​ជា​មនុស្ស​កុម្មុយនិស្ត​ទេ។